There goes the neighborhood...

Tons of news on the Turkish international relations and diplomatic front in the past few weeks.

Turkey and Israel have been in talks all summer to try to heal the breach caused by the Israeli raid on the Mavi Marmara last year, which resulted in the deaths of 9 Turkish activists.  The Mavi Marmara was supposed to join another run on the Gaza blockade this summer, but technical problems with the ship prevented its sailing.  Turkey has continued to ask for an apology and compensation for the families of those killed, and Israel has continued to refuse.

The continued boycott the Turkish parliament by the member of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy party has not made much progress since the election in July.  The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has accused the Peace and Democracy party of being a wing of the Kurdish separatist movement, the P.K.K.  The members of parliament elected from the Peace and Democracy party, some of them jailed because of their alleged P.K.K. ties, have continuously denied involvement with the P.K.K.'s violent campaign for an independent Kurdistan.  The P.K.K. is only made the situation worse for the Peace and Democracy party.  In retaliation for the AKP's continued refusal to meet the demands of the boycotting Peace and Democracy politicians, the P.K.K. has stepped up its terrorist activity and has bombed both civilian and military targets.  In retaliation, Turkey, in partnership with Iran, has bombed suspected insurgent positions inside Iraqi Kurdistan.  The Turkish government says the strikes will continue for the immediate future.  As with any operation of this kind, there have been reports of civilian casualties.  The P.K.K.'s latest round of attacks are not only counter-productive but also possibly lethal to the reputations of the politicians associated with the Peace and Democracy Party.  Their efforts up till now may have seemed to be ineffectual against the powerful AKP, but their peaceful protest gave them the moral upper hand.  Now, no matter how innocent the Peace and Democracy Party and its members are of involvement with the Kurdish separatist movement, they will most likely will never be able to live down the violent "support" the P.K.K. is supplying.

For the last few years, Turkey has been pursuing a policy of "zero problems toward neighbors". It was an attempt to not only have good relations with the diverse range of countries in Southern Europe, the Caucuses and the Middle East, but to take advantage of its unique geography and history to become a leader and role model for this long troubled region.  Last year, the Mavi Marmar incident dealt a serious blow to the long-term sustainability of this policy.  This year, revolutionary movements of the Arab Spring have made "zero problems" completely untenable.  In the last six months, Turkey has been scrambling to revise and in some cases completely reverse its diplomatic position in light of recent developments.  No where has this been as evident as in Syria, with whose government Turkey until recently enjoyed friendly relations.  Turkey is now leading the international condemnation of President Assad's attacks against his own people, but stopping just short of demanding he step down.  The change in foreign policy was outlined by President Erdogan in his post-election victory speech.  Turkey still sees itself as a regional leader, but a leader of the peoples, not just the governments that rule them.  Erdogan puts Turkey forward as an example of open and democratic government for the Arab countries in political transition to look up to.  I just hope that Erdogan remains as committed to cultivating democracy in his own country as he seems to be about cultivating it in the Arab world.  Turkey may look like a bastion of freedom in the chaotic and ruthless world of Middle East politics, but as we have seen it has plenty of room for improvement.

The End of an Era?

Huge news on the political front in Turkey.  In what has been described by many analysts as a last-ditch effort to assert power over the government, the top leaders of the Turkish military simultaneously resigned Friday.  The Turkish military, particularly its leadership, have historically been considered the guardians of the country's democratic institutions and secular nature.  They have used their unofficial but very real status to depose Turkey's democratically elected governments four times since 1950.  However, military rule in each of these cases was only temporary.  In what are truly exceptional incidences in the history of modern military coups, the military government has always voluntarily stepped down after calling for new elections. 

However, since Prime Minister Erdogan's party, the AKP, was elected in 2002, Mr. Erdogan has made it a priority to curb the power of the military over Turkish politics.  One of his greatest triumphs came in 2004 when a Constitutional amendment gave real power for the first time to the civilian members of the Turkish National Security Council.  The National Security Council was a body created by members of the military government after the 1980 coup to ensure it had a permanent place in the government after it reverted to civilian hands.  The  Council for many years played the role of an oversight committee for any reforms made by Grand National Assembly.  The few civilian members of the Council were there as simple "yes" men until 2004.

The most recent and probably the most damaging challenge to the military's power has come through the investigation of the alleged coup plot, discovered in 2008 and continuing through the present.  As a direct result, at least 10% of the military's top brass has been arrested this year alone.  The imprisonment of so much of its leadership has effectively prevented the military from wielding the influence it once had.  Though I don't doubt that there was a coup plot in the works against the AKP government, I believe the government has used it as a serendipitous excuse to swiftly and effectively silence the military.

The simultaneous resignation of all of the country's top military officers has been explained as protest against the coup plot related arrests in particular and their loss of power more generally.  Unfortunately for them, what was meant to be an exhibit power has in reality been the coup-de-gras for the era of military intervention in Turkish politics.  Without the staunchly secular military checking the power of the Islamist-leaning civilian government, many are afraid of what the future could hold for Turkey.  Mr. Erdogan has been accused of harboring authoritarian tendencies and the desire to impose Shariah-inspired reforms on the Turkish public.  However, since coming to power almost 10 years ago, the AKP has done little to impose Islamic values upon secular or non-Muslim Turks.  If Turkey continues to function as the vibrant democracy it has shown itself to be, then the removal of military influence in the government can only be a positive in the long run.  However, the continued incarceration of elected officials and journalists with opinions unpopular with the ruling party does give cause for worry.  The removal of the military from the sphere of politics gives me great hope for the continued liberalization and democratization of Turkish society but the Turks must remain vigilant and not become complacent about the on going violations of freedom of speech and due process.

Problems in Parliament

I have previously discussed the ongoing struggle of Turkey's Kurdish minority for equal cultural and political rights.  The main Kurdish opposition party, the Peace and Democracy party (BDP), has been accused by the current government of having ties to the PKK.  The Peace and Democracy party did not itself put forth candidates in the recent election.  The leadership knew that they could not reach the existing threshold of at 10% of all votes that is required for a party to have the privilege of sending representatives to the parliament.  Instead, it backed a number of independent candidates, which are not bound by the 10% rule.

Five elected members of the Turkish Grand National Assembly who ran as independents are currently in prison on terrorism related charges.  These five were supported by the Peace and Democracy during their campaign, a fact that was probably central in the circumstances leading to their arrest.  Another recently elected Pro-Kurdish parliamentarian, Hatip Dicle, is barred from taking his seat because of a previous conviction for spreading terrorist propaganda.  Three others who were recently elected are also in jail, accused of being part of the coup conspiracy uncovered last year.  Of these alleged conspirators, two are members of the Republican People's Party (CHP) and one the Nationalist Movement Party.

The newly elected members of parliament associated with the Peace and Democracy Party, as well as those belonging to the Republican People's Party, staged a protest during the opening session of the new parliament on June 28.  In solidarity with their banned and jailed colleagues, 169 of the 550 members of the Assembly refused to be sworn in.  However, the standoff is now coming to an end.  The CHP parliamentarians will be sworn in today despite the fact there has been no real change in the status of their jailed colleagues.  The BDP seems to have been left out the the talks that have taken place between the ruling Justice and Development (AK) party and the CHP.  The continued boycott of the 35 members associated with the BDP will be largely worthless without the more numerous CHP to support them.

I am not surprised to hear about the CHP's unceremonious betrayal of their alliance with the BDP.  Founded by Ataturk, the CHP was the first political party in the Republic of Turkey and enjoyed largely unopposed power from 1923 to 1950.  During this period Kurdish rebellions were brutally suppressed and the laws restricting the public expression of Kurdish language and culture were passed.  There is certainly no love lost between the CHP and the Kurds. I have no doubt that the AK party has jailed the above mentioned Kurdish politicians for largely political reasons.  However, the AK party has also been responsible for the slow but steady improvement in the rights and recognition afforded to Kurds in Turkey over the past decade.  My hope is that this incident is an exception in the AK's largely positive record in the Kurdish issue.  Some Turkish commentators are less than optimistic about the future of the Kurds under the AK party and I can understand their concern.  The Kurds have been the Turkish Republic's go-to scape goats for almost a century and it is much easier to continue on such a deeply rutted path than to forge a new road toward true liberalism and democracy.

Travel tips from me and the NYTimes

Recently, the New York Times published two travel articles on Istanbul (which, indecently, was also voted by readers as the place they most wished to visit in 2011).

The first  is from their Frugal Traveler blog, in which the author attempts (and succeeds) at spending only $100 during a weekend trip to Istanbul.  He stays on a new friend's couch and Kadikoy and enthusiastically recommends the neighborhood as a cheaper and scenic alternative to the European shore.  Having spent a month living in Kadikoy, I would argue that it is one of the best kept tourist secrets in Istanbul.  It is a very young, mostly tourist-free neighborhood full of relaxed bars and restaurants.  The shopping is cheaper and it is home to Istanbul's largest organic food market.  A mix of stores and open stalls, the market runs along several blocks of the pedestrian-only city center and offers a stunning variety of fresh produce, fish, and cheese as well as breads, pastries and other essentials of Turkish cuisine.  Far from being an inconvenience, Kadikoy's location across the Bosphorus actually serves to its advantage.  As you can tell from my pictures, residents of Kadikoy enjoy a spectacular show almost every night as the sunsets behind the landmarks of the old city.  As the Frugal Traveler writes, passenger ferries across the Bosphorus are cheap, frequent and afford more stunning views of both of the city's shores.  Much less crowded that any other form of public transportation, the 20-25 minute trip from shore to shore is just enough time to enjoy a cup of tea and simit from the fully stocked snack bar found on every boat.  I was excited to Kadikoy mentioned  in this article, but at the same time want to remain off the tourist radar for my own selfish reasons.

A second article discusses the time-forgotten beauty of Buyukada, the largest of the Prince's Islands.  You can read about my visit to this island here.  Buyukada is another great budget-friendly destination.  Ferries to the island are inexpensive and it is full of scenic beauty.  Its small size and largely car-free roads make it the perfect place to explore by foot or bicycle.

For more travel tips from the New York Times and its readers, you can explore the Istanbul online travel guide at the NYTimes.com.

Back in Boston

I apologize for the week long gap in posting.  Between returning to the States, jet lag, and my family's holiday visit to Boston it has taken me a while to get back to a regular schedule.  I miss Istanbul (especially the weather...) but it is nice to be back with Peter and my herd of noisy guinea pigs.  Living in Turkey could be stressful at times but it was well worth it for the language immersion and first hand knowledge I gained.  I plan to continue posting about current events and religious and political issues in Turkey from time to time.  There are a few things that already happened since my last post that I want to discuss.  But first, here are some additional pictures from my time in Istanbul that I wanted to share.

Hagia Sophia

Blue Mosque

Archaeology Museum

St. Savior in Chora

Kadikoy

Leander's Tower

Dolmabahce and Bazaars Revisited

I was originally planning on skipping Dolmabahce Palace.  Being a life-long ancient history and archaeology buff, I was more interested in seeing sites related to Constantinople and the early Ottoman Empire.  However, I later learned the palace was home to Ataturk as well as the last Ottoman Sultans. I have a paper to write about Ataturk and his political legacy, dubbed Kemalism, when I return to Boston and decided that a visited to Dolmabahce might be useful for research purposes.

I first mentioned Dolmabace Palace in my Bosphorus Walk Part I post.  The palace is located directly on the Bosphorus waterfront, north of the Golden Horn and the old city.  It was built in the mid-19th century and was home to the last 6 Ottoman Sultans.

The landmark clock tower next to the front gate of the palace.

Unlike Topkapi Palace, groups of visitors are led through the palace by a guide and there is no photography allowed inside.  The numerous fragile and extremely valuable pieces of furniture, art and  fixtures makes tighter supervision necessary.

The palace interior was decorated in a European neo-classical, rocco and baroque styles and therefore bears little resemblance to the home of the previous sultans at Topkapi.  However, there are numerous and sometimes subtle touches that distinguish the palace as a uniquely Turkish residence.  There are small, freestanding ceramic fireplaces or round metal charcoal heaters in every room, Arabic calligraphy adorns the walls, the bathrooms are designed as private hamams (Turkish baths) and, most noticeably, the palace is divided into the public salons and the private harem.

Some highlights of the public, official sections of the palace include:
The diplomatic reception room where representatives of foreign governments were greeted by snarling bear-skin rugs
The sultan's personal hamam, which features carved alabaster walls, silver fixtures, star shaped skylights and a stunning view of the Bosphorus.
The massive ceremonial hall featuring one of the world's largest crystal chandeliers.  On one side the hall now stands a 7 foot high reprint of Ataturk's first speech as president of the Republic of Turkey, a speech he gave in this hall.  His body also lay in state in the hall after his death.

Ataturk spent summers living in the palace and used two rooms in the harem section of the palace as his private bedroom and study.  During his final illness he stayed in Dolmabahce and died his room there on November 10, 1938.  All the clocks in the palace used to be stopped at his time of death, 905 am.  Though this no longer seems to be true for clocks throughout the rest of the palace, there is still a clock at his bedside set to this time.  Ataturk's death bed is covered in a satin Turkish flag and his rooms in the palace prominently display photographs and artwork related to him.  The contents of his rooms visibly marked them off from the rest of the palace.  I was expecting to see some signs of particular reverence from the Turks in my tour group as we passed through Ataturk's rooms.  However, I did not witnesses any marked reaction from the Turks I was with.  This could perhaps be explained by the fact that the Turks I saw were obviously of the consciously Islamic, as opposed to secular, lifestyle.

The last two days I have spent a good deal of time last-minute souvenir shopping.  This has meant return trips to both the Grand Bazaar and Spice Bazaar.

The Grand Bazaar is massive and ancient mall, full of tiny winding corridors, dead ends
and open air courtyards.  It's oldest parts date to 1461 and many merchants' families have been selling their wares in the bazaar since Ottoman times.  Between 250,000 and 500,000 people visit the bazaar everyday.  However, as this New York Times article points out, there has been no coordinated effort to update and renovate the aging structure.  Apparently, no master floor plan for the bazaar even exists.  Continued structural neglect paired with jerry-rigged utilities could spell disaster for Istanbul's historic heart of commerce.  Let's just hope the worst case scenario doesn't come to pass.

Today I also visited the open air shops that fill in the space outside the "L" shaped Spice Bazaar.



 For a rogue dove, many of the shops in this space are provide an all-you-can-eat buffet.

Despite Istanbul's status as one of the world's largest urban areas, the shops around the Spice Bazaar specialize not only in plants, seeds and gardening supplies but also small livestock and pets.

One can find multiple breeds of chicken as well as ducks and geese.  Stores also sold kittens and puppies (despite the multitude of sokak kedis and kopeks), hamsters, rabbits and some other, more unusual animals.

What I originally thought to be more Turkish Turkeys turned out to be a pair of peacocks.

The most bizaar and slightly frightening creatures for sale were leeches.  They seemed to be marketed as a medical cure-all of sorts.  When I rounded a corner, I found that there were multiple leech vendors in the bazaar.

And one had somehow managed to dump a bucket of his wares all over the ground.  The leeches were making their escape inch-by-inch and the shop owner was chasing them down with tweasers and a net.  Needless to say, I didn't stick around long after taking this picture.

Performances

Yesterday afternoon Peter returned to Boston.  I apologize for the lack of posting during his time here but, as he pointed out, much of the past week was spent revisting the major tourist sites of Istanbul.  It was fun to play tour guide and get a second look at the Hagia Sophia, Topkapi Palace and Archaeology Museum.

Yesterday evening I went to an Istanbul Music Festival performance at the Hagia Eirene church.  You may remember this church from the previous post on Topkapi Palace.  I had originally planned to attend a performance with Peter but the concerts that overlapped with his time here "priced out the riff-raff", as he put it.  The program I heard was performed by the Geneva Chamber Orchestra, conducted by and featuring on piano David Greilsammer. The concert included pieces by Mozart, Maurice Ravel and Jean-Philippe  Rameau.

The building itself dates from the 6th century but is at least the third church to be constructed on this site.  It is nearly stripped bare of decoration both inside and out.  The most ornate piece of art is the black on gold mosaic cross decorating the half-dome over the apse.  This stark simplicity was a product of the iconoclastic period in the Orthodox Church.  Between 726 and 843 AD all existing icons were destroyed and only certain symbols were permitted as ornaments in places of worship.

Today I spent the day hanging around Istiklal Blvd. before I went to see another, very different, kind of performance: a Sufi Mevlevi Sema, better known as the Whirling Dervishes.

I stumbled across this awesome shop called By Retro.  Located in the expansive basement of an ancient apartment building off Istiklal, this shop has all the charm of treasure hunting in your great-aunt's basement without the cat-pee smell that usually goes along with it. Winding corridors are lit with chandeliers and lined with double rows of vintage skirts, dresses, blouses and jackets.  Nooks and crannies hide kitschy paintings, posters, bags and over the top costumes.  A great place to check out when you get tired of the cloying monotony of the chain stores and souvenir shops on Istiklal.

I walked up Istiklal to Taksim Square and was greeted by yet another of Istanbul's frequent public rallies.  This event was an informal parade organized for Gay Pride Week.  Revelers carried rainbow flags as well as signs in both Turkish and Armenian.  There was a small army of policemen in a nearby corner of the square, heavily armed and bored.  The numerous onlookers craned their necks in curiosity and I saw no hostility even from the most obviously pious members of the crowd.

I had mixed feelings about attending the Mevlevi Sema.  As part of one of my undergraduate religion classes, we had watched and analyzed this type of ceremony.  I remembered the hypnotizing beauty of the soft music and twirling worshipers.  However, the commercialization, and in following desacralization, of the ceremony bothered me quite a bit.  This was amplified by the fact that the Mevlevi's traditional headquarters, referred to quite erroneously in English as a monastery, is currently undergoing extensive "renovation". Therefore the Semas have been moved to a some what shabby nearby theater, completing the transformation of the Sema from communion with God to pure performance.

Sufi brotherhoods, and in following their ceremonies, were banned by Ataturk in 1924.  However, Sufi brotherhoods went underground and many men continued to join their ranks, including politicians.  Starting in 1954, the government granted the Mevlevi order permission to perform their ceremonies solely for tourist audiences.  This use of the Mevlevi Sema for commercial purposes has only grown since then. You can find images of the "Whirling Dervishes" on postcards, t shirts, tiles and just about anything else marketed to tourists.  Watching the ceremony in the half empty theater, amongst an obnoxious cascade of camera flashes, was a strange experience. Throughout the ceremony, I wondered:  What did the "dervishes" think of their objectification?  What did the audience know about the ceremony they were watching?  Could the Sema even be considered sacred anymore?  Perhaps the relationship between religion, tourism, the state could turn into a research topic for me in the future.

To learn about the structure, meaning and purpose of a Sema click here.

Guest Post by Peter

Claire has asked me to write up my reactions to my week in Istanbul.  When I revealed my first reactions, that this place is hot and crowded, she asked me to try harder.  After I acclimated myself to the heat (sort of) and shed that American expectation of personal space that simply doesn’t exist here, I was able to reflect a little more deeply upon my time here.

To someone who has only traveled in Western Europe, I found Istanbul to be a little disorienting.  Parts of the city certainly look and feel like a nondescript central European neighborhood,  but just as you become comfortable with this familiarity the city throws you a curveball; whether it be the call to prayer echoing through the streets or a merchants accosting you in a strange language.   Scanning the faces of the throngs of people on the streets does not clarify the issue.  I learned quickly that almost anyone, no matter how Caucasian they look, can be ethnically Turkish.  There are even a few Turks that have hair redder than the average Irishmen.  This place is truly a mix of Europe and Asia and one must become used to both the familiar and the exotic.

However, I enjoyed my time here.  The people were friendly for the most part and understanding of my 10 word Turkish vocabulary.  The food was excellent, though a little monotonous.  I saw no foreign food beyond a few US fast food chains.  One thing that is exactly the same between this city and any other historic European one is the ever present reminder of the past.  That was the main draw for me and the city delivered.  The city is rich in Roman, Byzantine, and Ottoman art and architecture to the point that the archeology museum’s collection spills out into the gardens that surround it.  Claire has documented much of what I have visited in previous posts.  I’m simply going to include contribute a few photos from my time here.

Topkapi Palace

Hagia Sophia 

Archeology Museum

The Remaining Aquaduct

The Golden Horn

Catch- up Day

Today Peter is arriving for a week-long visit here.  Therefore, I'm taking it easy today, catching up on sleeping, cleaning and blogging in anticipation of his arrival.

On Thursday, I visited the Museum of Turkish and Islamic Arts.  This museum's collection consists exclusively of artifacts from Islamic empires, with a heavy focus on those that were founded by Turks.

The museum occupies the palatial former home of the most important of Suleyman the Magnificent's grand viziers, Ibrahim Pasa.

Detail of a mosque door from Konya, Turkey.

The museum houses a vast collection of rugs and flat-woven kilims.  They line the walls of the former great hall of the palace in an explosion of colors and patterns.

Yesterday, I visited the neighborhood of Fener, a knot of streets hard against the northern end of the old city walls.  This area was dominated for centuries by Greek and Jewish communities and contains numerous, but now rarely used, Orthodox Churches.

The church of St. Stephen of the Bulgars is unique in a number of ways.  Unlike most other churches built in Ottoman Istanbul, its grounds are open to the surrounding streets.  It was built in 1871 to serve a community of Bulgarian Christians who had broken with the Greek Orthodox Church. 

However, the feature that makes this church truly unusual is that it is made entirely of cast iron.  Made in Vienna, it was shipped in pieces and assembled at its current location near the shore of the Golden Horn.

Unlike the previous churches I have visited, I was allowed to take pictures inside St. Stephen's.

A short distance from St. Stephen's is the complex of the Greek Orthodox Patriarch. The head of the Greek Orthodox Church has been based at its current home since the 17th century.  Though the Greek community is largely gone from Istanbul, the church's Patriarch still remains, a silent testimony to Istanbul's origins as a Greek city.

The front door of the complex has been welded shut.  At the beginning of the Greek War of Independence, Patriarch Gregory V encouraged his people to revolt against the Ottoman Empire.  As a result, he was hanged for treason from the front door of the Patriarchy.  From that time, the door has been permanently shut in his memory.

The complex's church, St. George, dates from 1720 and is a glittering spectacle of gold, silver, colorful icons and inlaid wood.  The Patriarch's throne in the second photo is thought to date back to Byzantine times.

The neighborhood of Fener itself feels like it has been frozen in time.  Bunches of children roam the streets, women lean out of second floor windows, conversing with neighbors, tiny shops specialize in providing one type of goods to the neighborhood.  Many of the homes appear to date from Ottoman times and are a hodge-podge of color, style and decor.

Unfortunately, many similar buildings are in absolute ruins.  There is some evidence that certain buildings, especially stone ones, are being renovated and re-purposed.  However, neglect seems to be norm.  I can only speculate that since this area receives few tourists (except for the ones bused in to the Greek Patriarchy) its upkeep is of little concern to the government.

Since Peter is going to be here, we may have some guest posts from him and his impressions of Istanbul in the up coming days.

Until then, I leave you with a sokak kedi on a motorcycle.